Right to life
The right to life is a moral principle based on the belief that a human being has the right to live and, in particular, should not be killed by another human being. The concept of a right to life arises in debates on issues of capital punishment, war, abortion, euthanasia, police brutality, justifiable homicide, animal welfare and public health care. Various individuals who identify with pro-life views may disagree on which areas this principle applies, including such issues previously listed.
In human history, there has not been a general acceptance of the concept of a right to life that is innate to all human beings rather than granted as a privilege by those holding social and political power. The evolution of human rights as a concept took place slowly in multiple areas in many different ways, with the right to life being no exception to this trend, and the past millennium in particular has seen a large set of national and international law or legal documents (examples being the Magna Carta and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights) codifying the general ideal into specifically worded principles.
The term "right to life" is used in the abortion debate by those who wish to end the practice of abortion, or at least reduce the frequency of the practice, and in the context of pregnancy, the term right to life was advanced by Pope Pius XII during a 1951 papal encyclical:
Every human being, even the child in the womb, has the right to life directly from God and not from his parents, not from any society or human authority. Therefore, there is no man, no society, no human authority, no science, no “indication” at all whether it be medical, eugenic, social, economic, or moral that may offer or give a valid judicial title for a direct deliberate disposal of an innocent human life… --- Pope Pius XII, Address to Midwives on the Nature of Their Profession Papal Encyclical, October 29, 1951.
In 1966 the National Conference of Catholic Bishops (NCCB) asked Fr. James T. McHugh to begin observing trends in abortion reform within the United States. The National Right to Life Committee (NRLC) was funded in 1967 as the Right to Life League to coordinate its state campaigns under the auspices of the National Conference of Catholic Bishops. To appeal to a more broad-based, nonsectarian movement, key Minnesota leaders proposed an organizational model that would separate the NRLC from the direct oversight of the National Conference of Catholic Bishops and by early 1973 NRLC Director Fr. James T. McHugh and his executive assistant, Michael Taylor, proposed a different plan, facilitating the NRLC move toward its independence from the Roman Catholic Church.
Anti-abortion advocates argue that prenatal humans have the same fundamental "right to life" from the moment of conception that humans have after their birth. Although advocates who identify themselves as "pro-life" generally accept that women have a right to bodily autonomy, they deny that right entitles the women to violate the prenatal "right to life" by aborting a fetus. Generally speaking, those identifying themselves as "right to life" believe abortion is morally unacceptable.[by whom?]
Legal abortion rights advocates in the United States often cite a ruling from the U.S. Supreme Court in Roe v. Wade 410 U.S. 113 (1973) that held that a fetus is not a person protected by the Constitution for the United States of America, therefore, embryos and fetuses do not have the same fundamental natural rights derived by reason as do pregnant females do to preserve their own bodily integrity, health, and even lives.
Neither the Old Testament nor the New Testament books of the Bible mention whether life begins at birth or conception, though the Jewish Law and Talmud indicate that a fetus is of value. Abortion rights advocates will often cite Genesis 2:7 to argue that human life begins at birth: "And the Lord God made man from the dust of the earth, breathing into him the breath of life: and man became a living soul." The Biblical Hebrew term "neshamah" can mean "breath" or "spirit".
Generally speaking, those identifying themselves as "pro-choice" are advocates for legal abortion rights. At the same time, some advocates for legalized abortion state that they simply do not know for sure where in pregnancy life begins; then-US Senator Barack Obama took this view in the 2008 US presidential election. Some biologists however, have determined that the properties of life emerge at the cellular level. Other advocates have stated that they hold personal views against abortion but do not support putting those beliefs into law; then-US Senator Joe Biden, a Catholic took this view in the 2008 election.
In September 2017, Illinois Governor Bruce Rauner signed HB40, a bill that expanded taxpayer-subsidized abortions for women who used either Medicaid or state employee insurance for their healthcare. Abortion was already covered in cases of rape, incest and when there was a threat to the health and life of the mother. The law expanded the Medicaid coverage beyond those limited cases. Illinois Right to Life estimated that the new law would lead to approximately 12,000 extra abortions each year, costing over $21 million. They based their numbers on Medicaid figures from the late 1970s, which was the last time Illinois had unrestricted Medicaid-funded abortions.
Ethics and right to life
Some utilitarian ethicists argue that the "right to life", where it exists, depends on conditions other than membership of the human species. The philosopher Peter Singer is a notable proponent of this argument. For Singer, the right to life is grounded in the ability to plan and anticipate one's future. This extends the concept to non-human animals, such as other apes, but since the unborn, infants and severely disabled people lack this, he states that abortion, painless infanticide and euthanasia can be "justified" (but are not obligatory) in certain special circumstances, for instance in the case of a disabled infant whose life would be one of suffering, or if its parents didn't wish to raise it and no one desired to adopt it. Bioethicists associated with disability rights and disability studies communities have argued that Singer's epistemology is based on ableist conceptions of disability.
Opponents of capital punishment argue that it is a violation of the right to life, while its supporters argue that the death penalty is not a violation of the right to life because the right to life should apply with deference to a sense of justice. The opponents believe that capital punishment is the worst violation of human rights, because the right to life is the most important, and capital punishment violates it without necessity and inflicts to the condemned a psychological torture. Human rights activists oppose the death penalty, calling it "cruel, inhuman, and degrading punishment", and Amnesty International considers it to be "the ultimate, irreversible denial of Human Rights".
The United Nations General Assembly has adopted, in 2007, 2008, 2010, 2012, 2014, and 2016 non-binding resolutions calling for a global moratorium on executions, with a view to eventual abolition.
Killings by law enforcement
The International Human Rights Standards for Law Enforcement has created a system whereby it is recognised that international human rights law is binding upon all state actors, and that said state actors must know and be capable of applying international standards for human rights. The right to life is for the most part an inalienable right granted to every human upon the planet, however, there are certain situations in which state actors are required to take drastic action, which can result in civilians being killed by law enforcement agents.
Appropriate occasions for killings by law enforcement are strictly outlined by the International Human Rights Standards for Law Enforcement. Any lethal action taken by law enforcement agents must be taken following a certain set of rules that have been set out in the 'Use of Force' section of the Pocket Book on Human Rights for the Police. The essential tenet of the Pocket Book surrounding the use of lethal force is that all other means of a non-violent nature should be employed initially, followed by proportionately appropriate use of force. Proportionately appropriate use of force can, and will in some circumstances, refer to lethal force if a law enforcement agent genuinely believes that ending the life of one civilian would result in the preservation of his life, or the lives of his fellow civilians, as is outlined in the 'Permissable Circumstances for the Use of Firearms' section of the Pocket Book. The Pocket Book also outlines in the 'Accountability for the Use of Force and Firearms' section that there are stringent measures of accountability in place to maintain integrity within state law enforcement agencies as regards their right to the use of lethal force.
International institutions have outlined when and where law enforcement agents might have the availability of lethal force at their disposal. The International Association of Chiefs of Police have 'Model Policies' which incorporate various pieces of information from leading sources. One of these model policies states that law enforcement agents will engage in reasonable necessary force to efficiently bring a scenario to a conclusion, giving specific thought to both the safety of themselves and other civilians. Law enforcement officers are given the prerogative to engage in department-approved methods to safely bring a conclusion to a scenario and are also given the ability to use issued equipment to resolve issues in scenarios where they are required to protect themselves or others from damage, to bring resistant individuals under control, or to safely conclude unlawful incidents. There is no mention as to what "reasonably necessary" should be interpreted as meaning, but there is reference made to the reasonable man method of determining how one should approach a scenario. However, it has been highlighted through events such as the killing of Michael Brown by Darren Wilson in Ferguson, Missouri, which resulted in public unrest, that there is confusion and debate surrounding the use of firearms and lethal force. The 'Procedure for the Use of Firearms' section provides the process through which law enforcement agents must progress when using firearms. It states that they must identify themselves as a law enforcement agent, issue a clear warning, and give an adequate amount of time for response (providing that time would not likely result in harm being done to the agent or other civilians) before deadly force can be used within the bounds of international law.
While the Pocket Book on Human Rights for the Police outlines the academic circumstances under which law enforcement agents may use lethal force, the literal scenarios in which police killings have occurred are also relevant. Rosenfeld states that there is considerable literature that gives reason to believe that social conditions also have a part to play in how law enforcement killings can occur. Rosenfeld states that there are numerous studies that have been conducted which link law enforcement agents' use of lethal force to the area's rate of violent crime, the size of the non-indigenous population and the socioeconomic position of the community concerned. Appropriating a blanket description of how police killings can occur across the board is difficult given the vast differences in social context from state to state.
Perry, Hall and Hall discuss the phenomena across the United States of America which became highly charged and widely documented in late 2014, referring to the use of lethal force from white police officers on unarmed black male civilians. There is no legal prerogative which gives law enforcement agents the ability to use lethal force based on the race of the person they are dealing with, there is only a legal prerogative to engage in lethal force if there is a reasonable fear for your life or the lives of others. However, the Propublica analysis of federal data on fatal police shootings between 2010 and 2012, showed that young black male civilians were 21 times more likely to be killed by police than young white male civilians. The use of lethal force from law enforcement agents in the United States created widespread feeling amongst US citizens that they were not being protected by the police. The justice system mostly found that these agents acted within the boundaries of the law because the actions of the people who were shot were judged to be sufficiently questionable in character for the police officer to fear for their own life or the lives of others. Coppolo investigated Connecticut law and reported that the use of lethal force must be followed by a report that determines whether the law enforcement agent's lethal force was proportionately necessary in the circumstances. Coppolo also stated that a reasonable lethal response must only be made when there is a reasonable belief that the facts you have been presented with could realistically result in a risk of death or grievous bodily harm.
In Graham v. Connor, a diabetic who was suffering from a blood-sugar episode was detained by an officer who witnessed circumstances that made him suspicious of Graham, the detaining of Graham resulted in multiple injuries to Graham, who then proceeded to sue the police for use of excessive force. The US Supreme Court did not find a diabetic episode in of itself to be potentially threatening to a law enforcement agent. The Supreme Court did find that the totality of circumstances must be considered at the time of the incident when judging the officer rather than considering the incident with carefully considered hindsight, which in the case of Graham's episode it was decided that the diabetic induced behavior on the face of it could be considered threatening to a law enforcement agent or other civilians. This makes it difficult to ascertain what constitutes a fair description of a valid scenario in which a law enforcement agent might use lethal force. In Tennessee v. Garner officer Elton Hymon answered a burglary call; when he entered the backyard of the property in question, Hymon witnessed somebody fleeing and ordered the suspect, later identified as a 15-year old boy named Edward Garner, to stop. Garner began climbing the fence, and Hymon proceeded to fatally shoot him in the back of the head. The Supreme Court held that in accordance with the Fourth Amendment, a law enforcement officer who is in pursuit of somebody cannot use lethal force to conclude the pursuit unless the officer has reasonable belief that the person poses a significant threat of harm to the officer or others. In the United States where the Second Amendment grants civilians the right to bear arms, any one person could pose a threat to a police officer's life or other civilians, as feasibly, any one person could be concealing a firearm.
In New Zealand, the Annual Police Conduct Report found that over a decade the police had shot and killed seven people, one of whom was innocent and all cases of which the police were found to have been acting within their legal rights. New Zealand has a strict process through which any citizen wanting to legally use a firearm must go through; this creates an environment through which the standard civilian does not pose a default threat to law enforcement agents' lives or the lives of others.
The standard to which international law expects states to operate is the same across the board, lethal force must only be used by law enforcement agents when there is a real threat of harm to those law enforcement agents or other civilians. The reality is that each state is unique in what constitutes an appropriate situation for law enforcement agents to respond with lethal force due to states all around the world having their own unique environments, law, cultures and populations.
The entitlement of a person to make the decision to end their own life through euthanasia is commonly called a right to choose, while people who oppose the legalization of euthanasia are commonly referred to as the right-to-lifers.
- In 1444, the Poljica Statute declared a right to live "-for nothing existed forever".
- In 1776, the United States Declaration of Independence declared that "all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness".
- In 1948, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted by the United Nations General Assembly declared in article three:
|“||Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person.||”|
- In 1950, the European Convention on Human Rights was adopted by the Council of Europe, declaring a protected human right to life in Article 2. There are exceptions for lawful executions and self-defense, arresting a fleeing suspect, and suppressing riots and insurrections. Since then Protocol 6 of the Convention has called for nations to outlaw capital punishment except in time of war or national emergency, and at present this pertains in all countries of the Council. Protocol 13 provides for the total abolition of capital punishment, and has been implemented in most member countries of the Council.
- In 1966, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly.
|“||Every human being has the inherent right to life. This right shall be protected by law. No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his life.||”|
|— Article 6.1 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights|
- In 1969, the American Convention on Human Rights was adopted in San José, Costa Rica by many countries in the Western Hemisphere. It is in force in 23 countries.
|“||Every person has the right to have his life respected. This right shall be protected by law and, in general, from the moment of conception. No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his life.||”|
|— Article 4.1 of the American Convention on Human Rights|
- In 1982, the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms enshrined that
|“||Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of the person and the right not to be deprived thereof except in accordance with the principles of fundamental justice.||”|
|— Section 7 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms|
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